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EU’s Borrell: No ministerial meeting with Iran this week in New York

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EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell insisted that there will no ministerial meeting with Iran at the United Nations headquarters in New York this week to discuss a return to the 2015 nuclear deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), contrary to what French Foreign Minister Yves Le Drian suggested, writes Yossi Lempkowicz.

Speaking to journalists, Borrell repeated several times that there would not be a meeting of the JCPOA Joint Commission on Wednesday (22 September).

“Some years it happens, some years it doesn’t happen. It’s not in the agenda,” said Borrell, who acts as coordinator for the JCPOA.

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Le Drian said on Monday (20 September) that there would be a ministerial meeting of the nuclear deal parties.

“We need to take advantage of this week to restart these talks. Iran must accept to return as quickly as possible by appointing its representatives for the negotiations,” the French minister said.

The JCPOA Joint Commission, made up of Foreign Ministers from Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia and from Iran, had met in Vienna in order to discuss a return to the 2015 nuclear deal, but talks were adjourned in June after hardliner Ebrahim Raisi was elected Iran’s president.

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‘’The important thing is not this ministerial meeting, but the will of all parties to resume negotiations in Vienna,” said Borrell who was due to meet the new Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian in New York.

"I will have the first opportunity to know and to talk with the new Minister of Iran. And, certainly, during this meeting, I will call on Iran to resume the talks in Vienna as soon as possible," he added.

“After the elections (in Iran) the new presidency asked for the delay in order to take fully take stock of the negotiations and understand better everything about this very sensitive file,” Borrell said. “The summer has already passed by and we expect that the talks can be resuming soon in Vienna.”

The world powers held six rounds of indirect talks between the United States and Iran in Vienna to try and work out how both can return to compliance with the nuclear pact, which was abandoned by former US President Donald Trump in 2018.

Trump reimposed harsh sanctions on Iran, which then started breaching curbs on its nuclear programme. Tehran has said its nuclear program is for peaceful energy purposes only.

In his address to the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, US President Joe Biden stressed his willingness to resume the 2015 deal if Iran complies with its terms. “The United States remains committed to preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon… We’re prepared to return to full compliance with the deal if Iran does the same,” he said.

Iran

Iran: Call for justice

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Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran

Iran has been a complicated challenge for the international community in the past decades. Since 2003 that the National Council of Resistance of Iran (the opposition movement to the Ayatollah) revealed Iranian regime secrete nuclear program, this subject has formed the core policy of the EU and the US towards Iran. Iranian regime nuclear program usually appears on the headlines, although negotiations have been held in a disappointing atmosphere for several years. Despite an international wave to describe JCPOA as an achievement the deal had almost no guarantee from both sides. The former US president withdrew from the deal with a stroke of a pen and the Iranian regime reinitiated uranium enrichment to above 60% within few months. Still, a neutral observer affirms the EU and the US efforts to revive the deal even with providing concessions to the Iranian regime, writes Ali Bagheri.

The blockage in Iran nuclear deal is not because of the EU and the US bad intentions, or because Iran has no interest in negotiations. The failure of diplomacy between western powers and the Iranian regime has a deep and historical root in the Iranian society. On July 14, 2015, Maryam Rajavi (pictured), president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, stated that any agreement that disregards and fails to underscore the Iranian people’s human rights will only embolden the regime in its suppression and relentless executions. Today, six years after the signature of JCPOA, it is almost evident that the deal is failed and both sides are not capable to form an agreement, and this is due to the missing point as is it was stated in Maryam Rajavi’s message which is the human rights of the people of Iran.

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If someone digs the contemporary history of Iran, a bloody war between Iranian people and the governing regimes for freedom and democracy forms the backbone of the social developments. This internal war has a direct influence on Iranian regime external policy. Iranian regime has thirst to equip its foreign bodies with wars, terrorism, and nuclear weapon to push back the international community whenever it needs to suppress the internal war, in other words the people of Iran.

For instance, the 8 years Iran-Iraq war was a cover to suppress the growing opposition against the establishment of Islamic Republic. On the top of all the crimes committed by Iranian regime officials, there is the 1988 Massacre when 30000 political prisoners, mainly MEK supporters were executed in a deafening international silence. This internal war can be addressed in every moment of the contemporary history of Iran.

Martin Luther King, Jr. once stated “the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.” Truly, “Justice” is the last battlefield that Iranian people and their opposition are working extensively to change the policy in Europe and the US towards Iran. Although supporters of appeasement policy recognize no boarders to deal with murderer mullahs, Iranian people and their resistance trapped both the Iranian regime and the appeasement policy supporters in the hands of justice. This is the place that there is no way out.

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In June 2018, when the Iranian diplomat terrorist was arrested for a foiled terrorist attack in Paris, the news covered the headlines all around the world. It was a case that Iranian regime clearly plotted a terrorist attack against the democratic opposition of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, NCRI. Despite an extensive effort by the Iranian regime to swap the Iranian diplomat terrorist with the Iranian-Swedish professor jailed in Evin prison, the definitiveness of Antwerp court halted any intervention of political interest in European justice, that Belgian minister of Justice affirmed the independence of powers in Belgium.

Belgium is a small country, but it changed the playground, and it must be admired for its determination. These days, another European court in Sweden opened the case of one of the criminals of the 1988 massacre in Iran. Hamid Noury who was arrested in Arlanda airport in Stockholm was one of the staff during the massacre who was involved to operate the orders of death commission about prisoners. According to the witnesses, he participated in executions, and he distributed sweets when he executed the political prisoners. But the 1988 massacre does not ends here, the sitting president in Iran, Ebrahim Raisi, was a member of death commissions in Tehran, who personally ordered thousands of executions, and the conviction of Hamid Noury and the recognition of 1988 massacre in European courts would be the biggest challenge for Irnaian regime officials.

The case of the Iranian diplomat terrorist in Belgium and the case of Hamid Noury in Sweden might look different in their natures, but the federal prosecutor of Switzerland opened a recent investigation about the assassination of Dr. Kazem Rajavi who was killed 30 years ago in Geneva. The federal prosecutor in Switzerland runs the new investigations about this terror under the chart of genocide and crime against humanity. Because, at that time Dr. Kazem Rajavi was working on the case of 1988 massacre which happened less than a year before his assassination. Without no surprise, the terrorists who killed Dr. Rajavi were entered to Switzerland with diplomatic passports, and they were in contact with the Iranian regime office in Geneva. Therefore, without any hesitations Iranian regime uses its diplomatic apparatus to conduct terrorist attacks against its opposition.

In all these cases, Iranian regime never distances itself from terrorists and criminals. It remained loyal to its agents and terrorists and vice versa. However, the new era that the Iranian people and their resistance entered is not conditioned to political interests and deals. The Iranian opposition movement, MEK and NCRI, are defending their rights and the rights of the Iranian people by means of judicial power. It is the place that the supporters of appeasement policy and the Iranian regime have already lost. They cannot push for deals or political interests in the court, but they should mention their facts, and the fact is that the Iranian regime has a dark history of human right violations, crimes, and terrorism, as it has been stated in 69 UN resolutions for human rights violations in Iran. In conclusion, we entered a new political era which is founded on justice and human rights. It might take sometimes until Europe and US obey the new situation and stop pushing for deals with mullahs, but there is no chance that the Iranian regime can endure the pressure from the Iranian opposition and the protests by the Iranian people as much as it loses its supports from western countries.

Ali Bagheri is an energy engineer, PhD from University of Mons. He is an Iranian activist and an advocate for human rights and democracy in Iran.

Twitter: @Bagheri_Ali_

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In Iran, hardline executioners and human-rights violators can run for presidency

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The new president of Iran, Ebrahim Raisi (pictured), assumed office on the fifth of August, writes Zana Ghorbani, Middle East analyst and researcher specializing in Iranian affairs.

The events leading up to Raisi’s election were some of the most blatant acts of government manipulation in Iran’s history. 

Mere weeks before the polls opened in late June, the regime’s Guardian Council, the regulatory body under the direct control of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, swiftly disqualified hundreds of presidential hopefuls including many reformist candidates that had been growing in popularity among the public. 

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Being the regime insider that he is, as well as a close ally of Supreme Leader Khamenei, it was hardly a surprise the government took measures to insure Raisi’s victory. What is slightly more surprising is the extent to which Ebrahim Raisi has participated in nearly every atrocity committed by the Islamic Republic over the past four decades. 

Raisi has been long known, both in Iran and internationally, as a brutal hardliner. Raisi’s career has been essentially wielding the power of Iran’s judiciary in order to facilitate the Ayatollah’s worst possible human rights violations.    

The newly installed president became part and parcel of the Revolutionary government shortly following its inception. After participating in the 1979 coup that overthrew the shah, Raisi, the sion of a prestigious clerical family and learned in Islamist jurisprudence, was appointed the new regimes court system. While still a young man, Raisi held several prominent judicial positions throughout the country. By the late 1980’s Raisi, still a young man, became the assistant prosecutor for the country’s capital Tehran. 

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In those days, the revolutions leader Ruhollah Khomeini and his henchmen were faced with a population still full of shah supporters, secularists, and other political factions opposed to the regime. Thus, the years in the roles of municipal and regional prosecutors offered Raisi ample experience in repressing political dissidents. The challenge of the regime in crushing its opponents reached its peak during the later years of the Iran - Iraq War, a conflict that put tremendous strain on the fledgling Iranian government, and nearly drained the state of all its resources. It was this backdrop that led to the greatest and most well known of Raisi’s human rights crimes, the event that has come to be known as the 1988 Massacre.

In the summer of 1988, Khomeini sent a secret cable to a number of top officials ordering the execution of political prisoners being held throughout the country. Ebrahim Raisi, at this time already the assistant prosecutor for the country's capital Tehran, was appointed to the four man panel that issued the execution orders. According to international human rights groups, Khomeini’s order, executed by Raisi and his colleagues, led to the deaths of thousands of prisoners in a matter of weeks. Some Iranian sources place the total death toll at as many as 30,000.          

But Raisi’s history of brutality didn’t end with the 1988 killings. Indeed, Raisi has had consistent involvement in every major regime crackdown on its citizens in the three decades since.  

After years of occupying prosecutorial posts. Raisi ended up in senior positions in the judiciary branch, eventually landing the job of Chief Justice, the top authority of the entire judicial system. Under Raisi’s leadership, the court system became a regular tool of cruelty and oppression. Almost unimaginable violence was used as a matter of course when interrogating political prisoners. The recent account of Farideh Goudarzi, a former anti-regime activist serves as a chilling example. 

For her political activities, Goudarzi was arrested by regime authorities and taken to northwest Iran’s Hamedan Prison. “I was pregnant at the time of arrest,” relates Goudarzi, “and had a short time left before delivery of my baby. Despite my conditions, they took me to the torture room right after my arrest,” she said. “It was a dark room with a bench in the middle and a variety of electric cables for beating prisoners. There were about seven or eight torturers. One of the people who was present during my torture was Ebrahim Raisi, then chief Prosecutor of Hamedan and one of the members of the Death Committee in the 1988 massacre.” 

In recent years, Raisi has had a hand in crushing the widespread anti-regime activism that have arisen in his country. The 2019 protest movement which saw mass demonstrations across Iran, was met with fierce opposition by the regime. When the protests began, Raisi had just begun his stint as Chief Justice. The uprising was the perfect opportunity to demonstrate his methods for political repression. The judiciary gave security forces carte blanche authority to put down demonstrations. Over the course of roughly four months, some 1,500 Iranians were killed while protesting their government, all at the behest of Supreme Leader Khamenei and facilitated by Raisi’s judiciary apparatus. 

The persistent demands of Iranians for justice have at best been ignored. Activists who attempt to hold Iranian officials accountable are to this day persecuted by the regime.  

The U.K. based Amnesty International has recently called for a complete investigation into the crimes of Ebrahim Raisi, stating that the man’s status as president cannot exempt him from justice. With Iran today at the center of international politics, it is crucial the true nature of Iran’s top official is fully recognized for what it is.

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European dignitaries and international law experts describe 1988 massacre in Iran as genocide and a crime against humanity

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In an online conference coinciding with the anniversary of the 1988 massacre in Iran, more than 1,000 political prisoners and witnesses of torture in the Iranian prisons demanded an end to the impunity enjoyed by the regime leaders and to prosecute the supreme leader Ali Khamenei and the President Ebrahim Raisi, and other perpetrators of the massacre.

In 1988, based on a fatwa (religious order) by the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ruhollah Khomeini, the clerical regime executed at least 30,000 political prisoners, more than 90% of whom were activists of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK/PMOI), the principal Iranian opposition movement. They were massacred for their steadfast commitment to MEK’s ideals and the Iranian people’s freedom. The victims were buried in secret mass graves and there has never been an independent UN inquiry.

Maryam Rajavi, the president-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), and hundreds of prominent political figures, as well as jurists and leading experts on human rights and international law from around the world, participated in the conference.

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In her address, Rajavi said: The clerical regime wanted to break and defeat every member and supporter of the MEK by torturing, burning, and flogging. It tried all evil, malicious, and inhuman tactics. Finally, in the summer of 1988, MEK members were offered a choice between death or submission coupled with renouncing their loyalty to the MEK….They courageously adhered to their principles: the overthrow of the clerical regime and the establishment of freedom for the people.

Mrs. Rajavi underscored that the appointment of Raisi as president was an open declaration of war on the people of Iran and the PMOI/MEK. Emphasizing that the Call-for-Justice Movement is not a spontaneous phenomenon, she added: For us, the Call-for-Justice movement is synonymous with perseverance, steadfastness, and resistance to overthrow this regime and establish freedom with all our strength. For this reason, denying the massacre, minimizing the number of victims, and erasing their identities is what the regime is seeking because they serve its interests and ultimately help preserve its rule. Concealing the names and destroying the graves of the victims serve the same purpose. How can one seek to destroy the MEK, crush their positions, values, and red lines, eliminate the Resistance’s Leader, and call himself a sympathizer of the martyrs and seek justice for them? This is the ploy of the mullahs' intelligence services and the IRGC to distort and divert the Call-for-Justice Movement and undermine it.

She called on the US and Europe to recognize the 1988 massacre as genocide and crime against humanity. They must not accept Raisi in their countries. They must prosecute and hold him accountable, she added. Rajavi also reinstated her call to the UN Secretary-General, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Human Rights Council, the UN special rapporteurs, and international human rights organizations to visit the Iranian regime's prisons and meet with the prisoners there, especially the political prisoners. She added that the dossier of human rights violations in Iran, especially regarding the regime's conduct in prisons, should be submitted to the UN Security Council.

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Participants in the conference that last more than five hours, took part from more than 2,000 locations the world over.

In his remarks, Geoffrey Robertson, First President of the UN Special Court for Sierra Leone, referring to Khomeini's fatwa calling for the annihilation of the MEK and calling them Mohareb (enemies of God) and used by the regime as the basis of the massacre, he reiterated: “It seems to me that there is very strong evidence that this was a genocide. It applies to killing or torturing a certain group for their religious beliefs. A religious group that did not accept the backward ideology of the Iranian regime… There is no doubt that there is a case for prosecuting [regime President Ebrahim] Raisi and others. There has been a crime committed that engages international responsibility. Something must be done about it as has been done against the perpetrators of the Srebrenica massacre.”

Raisi was a member of the “Death Commission” in Tehran and sent thousands of the MEK activists to the gallows.

According to Kumi Naidoo, secretary-general of Amnesty International (2018-2020): “The 1988 massacre was a brutal, bloodthirsty massacre, a genocide. It is moving for me to see the strength and courage of people who have been through so much and seen so much tragedy and endure these atrocities. I'd like to pay tribute to all the MEK prisoners and applaud you… The EU and broader international community must take the lead on this issue. This government, led by Raisi, has even greater culpability on the issue of the 1988 massacre. Governments that behave like this must recognize that behavior is not so much a show of force as an admission of weakness.”

Eric David, an expert on international humanitarian law from Belgium, also confirmed the characterization of genocide and crimes against humanity for the 1988 massacre.

Franco Frattini, foreign minister of Italy (2002–2004 and 2008–2011) and European commissioner for justice, freedom and security (2004–2008) said: "The actions of the new government of Iran are in line with the regime's history. The new foreign minister has served under previous governments. There is no difference between conservatives and reformists. It is the same regime. This is confirmed by the Foreign Minister's closeness to the commander of the Quds Force. He even confirmed that he would continue the path of Qassem Soleimani. Finally, I hope for an independent investigation with no limitation into the 1988 massacre. The credibility of the UN system is at stake. The UN Security Council has a moral duty. The UN owes this moral duty to innocent victims. Let us seek justice. Let us go forward with a serious international investigation."

Guy Verhofstadt, prime minister of Belgium (1999 to 2008) pointed out: “The 1988 massacre targeted an entire generation of young people. It is crucial to know that this was planned in advance. It was planned and rigorously executed with a clear target in mind. It qualifies as genocide. The massacre was never officially investigated by the UN, and the perpetrators were not indicted. They continue to enjoy impunity. Today, the regime is run by the killers of that time.”

Giulio Terzi, foreign minister of Italy (2011 to 2013) said: “Over 90% of those executed in the 1988 massacre were MEK members and supporters. The prisoners chose to stand tall by refusing to renounce their support for the MEK. Many have called for an international investigation into 1988 massacre. EU High Representative Josep Borrell should end his usual approach toward the Iranian regime. He should encourage all UN member states to demand accountability for Iran’s great crime against humanity. Thousands of people are out there who expect a more assertive approach by the international community, especially the EU.”

John Baird, Canada's foreign minister (2011-2015), also addressed the conference and condemned the 1988 massacre. He, too, called for an international investigation into this crime against humanity.

Audronius Ažubalis, minister of foreign affairs of Lithuania (2010 – 2012), underscored: "No one has yet faced justice for this crime against humanity. There is no political will to hold the perpetrators to account. A UN investigation into the 1988 massacre is a must. The European Union has ignored these calls, shown no reaction, and not been prepared to show a reaction. I want to call on the EU to sanction the regime for crimes against humanity. I think Lithuania can take the lead among EU members.”

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