Who sells arms in Africa?

The importation of defence equipment in Africa plays a crucial role in ensuring the region’s stability and development, as well as contributing to global peace and security. These imports are vital for safeguarding the interests and sovereignty of African nations. While arms imports have significantly decreased across most continents (with Europe being an exception with a 47% increase from 2018 to 2022), Africa is no exception to this global trend. Between 2014-2018 and 2019-2023, arms imports on the continent decreased by 52%. This decline is partly due to reduced demand from Algeria (-77%) and Morocco (-46%), writes Jean Clarys.

In 2023, African countries spent a total of $51.6 billion, accounting for 2.1% of the global defense budget. Although the African arms import market represents only a marginal share of the global arms market and this downward trend in defense equipment imports seems temporary, a significant increase is likely in the medium to long term.

Africa is expected to experience the most substantial economic growth by 2050. Some economists, like Charles Robertson, predict that the continent could transform into a “$29 trillion economy by 2050-2060”, surpassing the combined GDP of the USA and the eurozone in 2012. As a result, the defense budgets of African countries would automatically increase, making the region a significant importer of defense equipment.

The future importance of Africa in the global arms import market is further supported by the fact that most African countries import rather than produce their military equipment. However, this should not overshadow the development of a nascent defense industry on the continent. Countries like South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria, and to a lesser extent, Morocco and Algeria, have growing defense industries. Others, like Kenya and Ethiopia, are witnessing the emergence of a budding defense sector.

In this context, it is crucial to analyze the dynamics benefiting the current leading arms suppliers to the continent to understand who the major players in African military equipment imports might be in the future.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the main suppliers of military equipment to Africa between 2018 and 2022 were Russia, the United States, China, and France, accounting for 40%, 16%, 9.8%, and 7.6% of sales, respectively. Focusing solely on Sub-Saharan Africa, the players remain the same, but the figures vary significantly. SIPRI’s 2024 report highlights that between 2019 and 2023, in Sub-Saharan Africa, Russia supplied 24% of military equipment, followed by the USA with 16%, China with 13%, and France with 10% (These figures may vary slightly depending on the source. I chose to present the values published by the most scientifically recognized organizations, particularly SIPRI reports).

Given the colossal economic and strategic stakes involved in arms sales in Africa, we will attempt to profile the presence of the main actors in this market.

Advertisement

40% of arms sold in Africa are Russian

Russia currently provides 40% of arms imports on the African continent. A 2022 report by the RAND Corporation notes that “Russian arms sales and transfers to African countries have increased in recent years, from about $500 million to over $2bn annually.”

However, it is important to nuance Russia’s impact on military equipment imports across the continent by highlighting that the main importers of Russian weapon systems are North African countries, primarily Algeria and Egypt. According to the RAND Corporation, sales to Algeria and Egypt represent nearly 90% of Russian arms exports to the continent. In 2022, 73% and 34% of their arms imports, respectively, came from Moscow. Both states have acquired Su-24, Su-30, and MiG-29 fighter jets, as well as S-300 missile systems.

Other African importers of Russian defense equipment include Mali, Sudan, the Central African Republic, and Angola. Several factors explain the appeal of Russian armaments for some African countries. Firstly, Russian weapons are generally cheaper than their Western equivalents and compatible with Soviet-era stocks retained by many African states.

Additionally, unlike Western actors, Moscow does not condition its arms deliveries on democratic principles or fundamental rights protection. For example, Russia has not hesitated to send armored vehicles, fighter jets, and missile systems to various African countries embroiled in civil wars.

An emblematic example of this cynicism is Russia’s 2020 arms delivery to Khalifa Haftar, the Libyan rebel leader who sought to overthrow the UN-supported Tripoli government and establish a military dictatorship. In blatant violation of the UN arms embargo, the Kremlin supplied cargo planes, including IL-76s, fighter jets, SA-22 missile launchers, heavy trucks, and mine-resistant armored vehicles.

Regarding Sub-Saharan Africa, where Russia accounts for 24% of arms imports, Russian sales between 2015 and 2019 included, for instance, 12 Su-30 fighter jets for Angola, 12 Mi-35 helicopters for Nigeria, a Pantsir S1 air defense system for Cameroon, and two Mi-171Sh helicopters for Burkina Faso.

Most Russian arms sales on the African continent occur through the state-owned company Rosoboronexport. Its president, Alexander Mikheev, announced that “exports to African countries will account for more than 30% of Rosoboronexport’s total supplies this year (in 2023), and consultations are underway for new projects.” These elements suggest that the dynamic of Russian arms sales on the African continent is likely to continue or even accelerate in the coming years.

The USA: A discreet but major player in African arms

US arms exports worldwide reached a record level of $238bn in 2023. It is not surprising to learn that the United States ranks as the second-largest arms supplier to the African continent.

Despite the significant role the USA plays in this market, it is surprising to note that publicly available data on this subject is not abundant. While numerous articles and data on Chinese and Russian arms sales in Africa are accessible online, there is little equivalent information about U.S. defense equipment imports. Nevertheless, some puzzle pieces regarding U.S. arms exports to African countries can be found and presented in our mapping.

Firstly, unlike its main rivals in the region, U.S. arms sales do not occur through a state-owned company responding to national strategic, geopolitical, and diplomatic priorities. Several American companies, which do not officially respond to U.S. political considerations, share the defense equipment imports on African soil. The main ones are Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon Technologies, Northrop Grumman, General Dynamics, and L3Harris Technologies.

The principal client states for these companies, in order of importance, are Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Nigeria, Niger, Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia, Uganda, Ghana, and Tanzania. For instance, during the Trump administration, an average annual aid amount of $1.4bn was allocated to Egypt from 2016 to 2021 to procure American military equipment. In 2022, Biden approved the sale of $2.5bn worth of military equipment to Egypt, including 12 Super Hercules C-130 transport planes and air defense radar systems.

Previously focused on North Africa and East Africa, with some exceptions like Nigeria, Niger, and Ghana, American companies, like their Chinese and Russian competitors, are increasingly expanding their arms sales to French-speaking West African countries.

Francophone Africa: The new target of Chinese state arms manufacturer Norinco

After becoming Africa’s leading trading partner, with trade reaching $282bn in 2023, China is now “deploying its efforts in the security sector.” Chinese arms sales to African countries tripled between 2008 and 2019 compared to the previous decade. According to SIPRI, between 2019 and 2023, at least 21 Sub-Saharan African countries received substantial Chinese arms deliveries.

In May 2024, the British magazine The Economist estimated that about seven out of ten African armies were equipped with Chinese-designed and manufactured armored vehicles. This proactive approach by China is driven not only by commercial considerations but also by a desire for geopolitical influence in the region. Paul Nantulya, a researcher at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, stated in the same British magazine that “arms sales align with China’s aspirations to be considered a partner of choice”.

Indeed, China is simultaneously establishing security companies in several African countries where it exports arms, using them as leverage to strengthen its influence on the continent. This is particularly true in the Central African Republic, Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Sudan.

For example, China sold Z-9 helicopters to Zambia, WS-1 rocket launchers to the Sudanese army, and Red Arrow-73D anti-tank missiles to South Sudan and Darfur. Algeria is China’s largest African client, followed by Tanzania, Morocco, and Sudan, with Nigeria and Cameroon trailing behind.

Furthermore, as noted by a report from the think tank European Council on Foreign Relations, China has opposed the inclusion of its arms in the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms. Agreements with China are not governed by the International Arms Trade Treaty. Consequently, while many African states also receive Chinese small arms and light weapons, the volume of these transfers is absent from public statistics, which could significantly alter China’s actual market share in African military equipment sales.

Chinese arms supplies to African states are primarily facilitated by Norinco, China’s state-owned defense conglomerate. This arms company has recently revised its African strategy.

To strengthen its presence in Sub-Saharan Africa, Norinco has been establishing maintenance, repair, and overhaul centers for military vehicles and equipment in West Africa in recent years. Already present in Nigeria, Angola, and South Africa, these centers are now being deployed in Dakar, Mali, and Côte d’Ivoire.

These projects reflect a desire to expand Chinese arms sales, which “have always focused on East and Central Africa,” but had, until now, “maintained a lower profile in West Africa,” according to Danilo delle Fave, a security specialist at the International Team for Security Studies in Verona, towards French-speaking African countries. Thus, while France remains the leading supplier of military equipment in Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire, this dynamic could potentially change.

Where does France stand?

In the European and Francophone African collective imagination, France is often regarded as the continent’s quintessential arms supplier due to its colonial past.

However, France provides only 7.6% of the arms sold on the continent, including the Maghreb, and 10% of arms sold in Sub-Saharan Africa. From the perspective of French defense companies, revenue from arms sales in Africa also remains marginal. Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for only 1.5% of French military equipment exports globally, even less than the share of arms sold to South America, which is 2% of the total exported. By comparison, 76% of exports were destined for Europe.

Between 2012 and 2016, France sold €3.939bn worth of military equipment to African countries. Its main clients were Cairo, with €2.763bn in equipment purchased, Morocco, with €655m in purchases, and Algeria, with €212m in imported equipment. Regarding Sub-Saharan Africa, France’s primary clients were Senegal, with €48m in arms, Gabon with €40m, Burkina Faso with €33m, and South Africa with €29m. East Africa is the least invested part of the continent for French arms exports. In fact, the only countries where these sales exist but remain marginal are Burundi, with €5.6mn in defense equipment sold over five years, Djibouti with €2.8m, Ethiopia with €3.8m, Uganda with €1.5m, and Kenya with €100,000.

These data, although relatively old, reflect the dynamics still in place today. For example, in 2020, Morocco and Algeria purchased €425.9m and €41.1m worth of French arms, respectively, after acquiring €81.6m and €117.7m in 2019. Senegal acquired €217.2m worth of purchases in 2020. Over the 2019-2020 period, other substantial clients were Nigeria, with €44.7m in purchases, and Cameroon, which bought €29.8m worth of military equipment from France.

The main French private actors in this market are Dassault Aviation, which has sold numerous Rafale jets, particularly to Egypt and Morocco, Naval Group, Thales, MBDA, and Airbus Defence and Space.

Turkey and India: Two new entrants to watch

In addition to the traditional actors sharing various markets on the continent, namely Russia, the United States, China, and France, two new actors have recently emerged on the African scene. These actors are Turkey and India.

Turkey’s strategy in Africa is part of a complex dynamic involving economic, geopolitical, and cultural ambitions aimed at consolidating its global influence and diversifying its international partnerships. This approach reflects a desire to break away from traditional European and American markets while counterbalancing the influence of former colonial powers on the African continent. This context underlies the development of arms sales to African countries. This strategy is notably implemented through Private Military Companies (PMCs), such as SADAT, which is Turkey’s leading private defense consulting firm. SADAT has been developed on a model similar to Wagner, “offering both troop training and material sales and transfers.”

Between 2020 and 2021, Turkey’s arms exports to Africa, although relatively modest, increased more than fivefold, rising from $83 million to $460 million. African countries are particularly interested in Turkish drones. These drones, like the Bayraktar TB2, are generally considered cheaper and easier to use than those from Israel and the United States. Moreover, as noted by Alan Dron, Air Transport Editor at Arabian Aerospace, buying from Turkey allows African nations to obtain modern weapons without having to “take sides” between the United States, Russia, or China.

The second newcomer to this market is India. In March 2023, India launched its first charm offensive to sell arms to African countries. Thirty-one delegations from African countries visited Pune, the country’s main military equipment manufacturing center. Twenty-three of these countries also participated in nine days of joint military exercises during this visit. Participating countries included delegations from Ethiopia, Egypt, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, and South Africa, among others.

One of the main reasons for the increase in Indian arms sales to Africa lies in India’s desire to counter China’s growing influence in the region. By selling arms to African countries, India hopes to forge stronger ties with these nations and increase its presence in the region. Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh emphasized technology transfer to African countries and the creation of manufacturing plants on the continent. Lieutenant General Hames Mugira added, “We are, however, convinced that Africa needs to learn how to fish and not just receive fish.”

A market with significant growth potential conducive to the development of a local industry

While the African defense market remains of limited economic interest compared to other regions worldwide, its growth potential and the geopolitical stakes involved justify the fierce competition among a handful of international actors on the continent. It is interesting to note that arms-exporting countries to the continent employ sometimes very different strategies with varying objectives.

Finally, in this military equipment landscape in Africa, dominated primarily by imports, making African countries dependent on third-party powers to ensure their defense, it is essential to closely monitor the emergence of a national defense industry on the continent. Africa’s defense industry has roots in entities established during the colonial era, such as Denel in South Africa (1922) and DICON in Nigeria (1964), as well as post-independence initiatives like ENCC in Algeria (1976) and MIC in Egypt (1984).

Despite financial constraints, Africa’s defense industry has demonstrated an impressive capacity for innovation, developing unique technologies such as the Rooivalk helicopter in South Africa and the Tsaigumi drone in Nigeria.

However, Africa’s defense industry faces significant structural challenges. Funding remains insufficient and irregular, hindering project planning and sustainability. Complex and fragmented regulations limit competitiveness, while the quality and performance of equipment do not always meet global standards. Compared to other world regions, Africa has a limited global military inventory and must overcome significant obstacles in terms of equipment maintenance and modernization. Nevertheless, diversity and innovation represent distinctive strengths.

Leading companies like Denel in South Africa, DICON in Nigeria, ENCC in Algeria, and Milkor, also in South Africa, embody this dynamic, illustrating sustained efforts to strengthen local defense capabilities and promote strategic autonomy essential in a complex security environment. As the continent continues to progress toward stability and prosperity, the importance of its national defense industry can no longer be overlooked. This industrial sector symbolizes Africa’s proactive approach to addressing its security challenges and fostering a safer future for its population.

Share this article: