EU aid to #Africa needs more accountability and focus

In a desperate effort to help stem the flow of migrants flocking to Europe, EU financial aid is flooding into Africa, writes Martin Banks.

Africa, of course, is often a starting point for many of the thousands who may look on Europe as a new home and the cash aid the EU is so keen on lavishing on the continent is supposed to help tackle some of the “root causes” of the determining factors behind the migrant exodus.

EU initiatives are based on the European Agenda for Migration and the action plan that came from the recent Valletta Summit. The supposed goal is the “prevention of and fight against irregular migration, migrant smuggling and trafficking of human beings” and improving migration management in countries of origin and transit. To pursue these objectives, the EU Trust Fund has provided a budget of approximately €878.8million to date for the Horn of Africa until 2020. The European Development Fund, another potential pot of gold for African leaders.

But do the millions from EU coffers really tackle humanitarian needs or merely find their way into the pockets of African dictators?

Sudan is a good example of how EU funds could, in fact, be used to prop up dictatorial regimes.

The findings of a recent MEP delegation to Sudan - highlight the potential pitfalls of the increasing number of deals on border control and returns among the EU and member states with third countries where human rights are systematically violated.

The parliamentary delegation reported that the Sudanese authorities are well aware of the “migratory issue” and the opportunity it represents for them to “put pressure on the EU”.

Deputies met with various NGOs who shared a common assessment of the “repressive situation” they face, mainly of preventive arbitrary arrests of human right defenders and journalists as well as regular seizing of newspapers.

The delegation to Khartoum in December confirmed that Sudan's northern border (which the EU wants to provide support to control) is currently controlled by the country's Rapid Support Forces which are under the command of Sudan's National Intelligence and Security Service and are recruited and led by former militias responsible for mass murders in Darfur.

The parliamentarians say the Sudanese regime is also detaining and deporting victims of trafficking and continuously violating the human rights of Sudanese people.

Yet, this is the same Sudan regime that’s just been promised €215m by the EU! This is the same Sudan with whom the EU has proposed "increased partnership" in the framework of the Khartoum process, the Africa Trust Fund and the new ‘Migration partnerships’. It is also the same Sudan that is currently the subject of an appeal to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg on behalf of five citizens from Darfur who were expelled by Italy last August. They were denied the right to apply for asylum in Italy and sent back to Sudan. Sudan’s geographical position plays a key role as transit country but also geopolitically in the region as it is seen by the EU as the only “stable” country in there and plays therefore a major role in its “peace and security”.

But listen to the assessment of the MEP delegation, which found that the Sudan government is involved at different levels in the trafficking industry and concluded that the EU "wants to turn Sudan into a large prison for migrants.”

One delegation member said the European Union's policies on border control are already failing in Europe and that imposing the same policies on countries like Sudan is "just absurd." Another said the only possible results of these policies are more victims and the EU "losing its soul."

Of course, it’s not just Sudan that is a grateful beneficiary of EU generosity. Two years ago, the EU launched the so-called Khartoum Process, described as a "political dialogue" between EU states and Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Tunisia. The main focus is stop migration flows and smuggling. But some of these regimes - like Djibouti - have a long history of human rights abuse and further aid should be made conditional on such issues being addressed.

Djibouti, a resource-poor nation of just 875,000 people in the Horn of Africa coping with huge influxes of Yemeni refugees, is another case in point. The country is set to receive about €9.8m in foreign assistance in 2017, mostly from the US and EU, ostensibly to help support initiatives in areas of economic growth, education and security assistance. But good governance and rule of law in Djibouti have been questioned.

Last April, the president, Ismail Omar Guelleh, won a controversial fourth consecutive term, after cracking down on opposition voices. A December rally was broken up by security forces, leaving at least 19 dead. Guelleh’s rule has been so far accused of human rights abuses including torture and arbitrary detention of opposition members, rampant corruption and targeting of anti-government activists.

In May, the European Parliament approved a resolution which condemns acts of rape allegedly committed by Djibouti soldiers. These were reported by NGOs and highlighted by Djibouti women who went on hunger strike in Paris and Brussels to demand an international inquiry. MEPs also condemned the lack of an independent press in Djibouti and the monitoring and censorship of websites critical of the government.

From all the available evidence, though, it is hard to disagree with those who say that the EU is directly supporting the armed forces of certain repressive African governments. Often they are linked to militias, human trafficking and smuggling and thereby contributing to the overall escalation in violations of human rights and international law.

It is also hard not to conclude that if the EU really wants to encourage people not to leave their countries because of wars, inequality, human rights violations or poverty, it should do more to actually fight the root causes – and make sure European taxpayers money does not go to support repressive regimes as is the case in Djibouti or Sudan for example.

Instead of throwing good money after bad, the focus should be on promoting inclusion and economic opportunities, democracy building, good governance and the rule of law.

Development policy should address problems such as state fragility, conflicts, insecurity and marginalisation, poverty and the violation of human rights. If the EU can help people in Africa to create possibilities for themselves - both industrial and social - then perhaps they wouldn’t have to ride the waves of migration and see Europe as their paradise. We should not mistake development aid for charity - it should be an investment – and if we want to prevent an increase in migration flows to Europe this year we need more accountability and more focus on results.

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