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Forest fires: EU helps Italy, Greece, Albania and North Macedonia to fight devastating fires




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As forest fires continue affecting various regions in the Mediterranean and the Western Balkans, the European Commission is swiftly mobilising support to assist countries in limiting the spread of the fires and protect lives and livelihoods.

  • Two Canadair firefighting airplanes from France are being sent to affected areas in Italy to start firefighting operations today.
  • Two firefighting planes from Cyprus are supporting Greece, on top of a firefighting team to support operations on the ground.
  • Two helicopters to support operations in Albania will be equally dispatched from Czechia and the Netherlands.
  • In addition, Slovenia is sending a team of 45 firefighters to North Macedonia.

All help is mobilised through the EU Civil Protection Mechanism, with co-funding by the Commission of at least 75 % of transport costs.

Crisis Management Commissioner Janez Lenarčič said: "We are working around the clock to send help as fires rage across Europe. I thank Cyprus, Czechia, France, Slovenia and the Netherlands for swiftly deploying firefighting airplanes, helicopters and a team of firefighters to support countries heavily affected by forest fires. At this time as several Mediterranean countries are facing fires, EU Civil Protection makes sure that our firefighting tools in place are used at maximum capacity. This is an excellent example of EU solidarity in times of need.”


These deployments come in addition to EU-coordinated firefighting operations that are currently ongoing in Turkey, as well as in Sardinia, Italy at the end of July. Satellite maps from the EU's Copernicus Emergency Management satellite are providing further support to the emergency services to coordinate the operations.

The European Union's 24/7 Emergency Response Co-ordination Centre is in constant contact with the civil protection authorities of countries affected by the fires to closely monitor the situation and channel EU assistance.



Albania and Kosovo say ready to temporarily house Afghan refugees




Albanian Prime Minister and leader of the Socialist Party Edi Rama

Albania and Kosovohave accepted a US request to temporarily take in Afghan refugees seeking visas to enter the United States, the country two countries said on Sunday (15 August), writes Fatos Bytyci, Reuters.

In Tirana, Prime Minister Edi Rama Rama (pictured) said US President Joe Biden's administration had asked fellow NATO member Albania to assess whether it could serve as a transit country for a number of Afghan refugees whose final destination is the United States.


"We will not say 'No', not just because our great allies ask us to, but because we are Albania," Rama said on Facebook.

Sources had told Reuters that Biden's administration had held discussions with such countries as Kosovo and Albania about protecting US-affiliated Afghans from Taliban reprisals until they completed the process of approval of their US visas.

In Kosovo, President Vjosa Osmani said the government had been in contact with the US authorities about housing Afghan refugees since mid-July.


"Without any hesitation and ... conditioning I gave my consent to that humanitarian operation," Osmani said on her Facebook account.

Osmani said Afghan refugees would be vetted by the US security authorities, and added they would stay in Kosovo until their documentation for US immigration visas was arranged.

Hundreds of US troops are still stationed in Kosovo as peacekeepers more than two decades after the 1998-99 war with the then-Yugoslav security forces.

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Everything but full membership



Two prime ministers were particularly incensed after the latest European Council held on the 24-25 of June, writes Simone Galimberti.

As already well reported it should not be surprising given the clashes over the EU fundamental values in relation to LGBTQI discriminatory legislation but what is more interesting is that the two prime ministers who were extremely disappointed were not even in the room during the summit.

Far from Brussels, Edi Rama and Zoran Zaev, respectively the prime minister of Albania and North Macedonia, did not shy away from criticizing the members of the European Council for not giving the green light to start the official membership negotiations for their nations.


Though the entire fault went to a veto imposed by Bulgaria on North Macedonia’s membership and with a common position that such negotiations with both countries should start only at the same time, the true is that not all the members are fully on board on taking this huge step that, even after an intense and prolonged negotiations that might take a decade or more, would risk weakening the Union while widening it.

With still so much blaming going on President Macron for vetoing the starting of the formal access phase back in 2019, observers fear that the EU is losing an important opportunity by blocking two nations that, in the past decade, have shown high commitment and determination to prepare themselves for this key moment.

The risk of loss of confidence and trust among the people in both North Macedonia and Albania in the process of joining the Union should not be underestimated as well as the perils that other hegemonic powers, namely Russia and China, could take advantage of the situation and expand their influence at the door steps of the European Union.


In these circumstances it is almost ironic that the European Commission’s strategy document for Western Balkans ‘accession process published in 2020 and entitled Enhancing the accession process - A credible EU perspective for the Western Balkans talks about trust, confidence building and higher levels of predictability for the membership process to be effective and productive.

Yet postponing the official beginning of the negotiations could be the best thing that Prime Ministers Rama and Zaev might wish for as longer-term considerations must prevail over short-term pressure to start at the soonest.

It should not just be some whims by Sofia that are stalling the access but should be a deliberate and a commonly agreed strategic approach that would safeguard not only the future prosperity of the entire Union but it is entire survival.

It is also not just an apparent loss of confidence among the citizens of the EU in the entire project of regional integration as shown by many survey that, a further expansion, will furtherly aggravate.

With the European Commission opening a legal case against Germany over the primacy of the European Law over the national laws, an issue that as correctly explained by Commissioner Reynders might engender the Union itself, a discussion on possible changes to the Lisbon Treaty must be inevitable even the member states will be dragged into this reluctantly.

There is a compelling case for an overall improvement in the working mechanisms of the Union starting with the need of adding public health to the list of competences shared between the member states and the European Commission.

More urgent than ever is the need to do away with unanimity rule in the Common Foreign and Security Policy and in addition there is the imperative of furthering strengthening the role of the European Parliament that still lacks the power of initiative without forgetting options of a directly elected President of the European Commission and a possible institutional evolution of both the European Council and the Council of the European Union.

Lastly the latest comments of Slovenian Prime Minister, Janez Janša, now presiding the EU rotating presidency about “imaginary European values” further demand a much stronger EU rule of law and democracy mechanism than the half-baked, compromised solution now available achieved after prolonged negotiations.

While this might appear as an ambitious agenda, the leaders of the European Union, especially if there will be a change in government in Berlin in Autumn, will have to face the reality and deal with it: a Union that cannot deliver its increasingly ambitious agenda cannot simply allow a new round of enlargement without first putting its home in order.

Hopefully the Conference on the Future of Europe might create an appetite for initiating such internal debate even if this will make some of the member states uncomfortable at first but possible changes of government in Budapest in 2022 and in Warsaw in 2023 might prelude to the inevitable decision that a new treaty is what the Union needs.

Does it mean that Albania and North Macedonia should wait indefinitely amid this very uncertain and unpredictable scenario?

Not necessarily but their goals in terms of joining the EU must be revised without necessarily diminishing their stature and importance.

The proposal would be an “Everything but Full Membership” approach, an idea that in the past also envisioned the creation of the so called “Associated Membership”, would give to the most promising candidates, in this case North Macedonia and Albania, a full access to all the programs currently being implemented by the Union but without full membership to the Council.

Instead, the European Council could envision a mandatory configuration with the participation of heads of governments of Albania and North Macedonia preceding its full fledged sessions in which the two countries could be even invited to join as well but without voting rights.

Likewise, the European Parliament could accommodate the representatives of these two countries who would be able to join all the full plenaries and all the working committees.

The status of the MEPs from North Macedonia and Albania would hold the status of Associated Members of the European Parliament without voting rights but right to speak and make proposals.

There is no doubt that such arrangements might be rejected as incapable to respect not only the dignity but also as unable to reflect the full aspirations of two nations that undoubtedly deserve full membership of the Union.

Yet such proposals should not be seen as a rejection to Albania and North Macedonia’ right to a full membership but as a pragmatic step towards that goal.

If there are clear limitations on the side of the institutional arrangements, the citizens of these two nations could take advantage of a full array of advantages that the citizens of other EU nations are already enjoying, including full access to a common market that, as proposed by the think tank European Stability Initiative, would imply a two stage process that would follow the two steps approach undertaken by Finland before its full membership.

The Commission itself also has forecasted one scenario establishing a full Regional Economic Area by

2035 rather than full membership.

In addition, full access to the common job market could be envisioned by progressively opening up Schengen to the citizens of North Macedonia and Albania who will also benefit by the strengthening of a very promising idea, the so called Western Balkans Agenda on Innovation, Research, Education, Culture, Youth and Sports.

If it is positive that between 2015 to 2025, the Erasmus + program welcomed around 49,000 students and staff in the higher education in exchange programs between the EU and Western Balkans, the number of students from North Macedonia and Albania having the opportunity to study with full scholarships in an EU based university should drastically see a drastic increase.

Imagine how Albania and North Macedonia could benefit from fully taking part to the NextGenerationEU program.

The package so far proposed by the European Commission to alleviate the impact of Covid and build forward better is certainly generous but much more should be provided to show how North Macedonia and Albania are fully part of the EU family in terms of tangible benefits.

For sure if the current members of the EU want to lift the economies of North Macedonia and Albania, the already important amounts equivalent to EUR 14.162 billion allocated through Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA III) as part of 2021-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework through which the strategic Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans is going to be financed, should be further increased while assuring the full mobilization of up to €20 billion envisioned in the next decade under the Western Balkans Guarantee facility.

The advantage of this “Everything but Full Membership”approach is that, while certainly be heavy on the pockets of the taxpayers of the current member states, will allow the member states to enhance their institutions and make them purpose ready to fully welcome new members in the decades ahead.

In this way the strengthening of the working mechanisms of the EU will also allow to counter those nationalist and sovereigntists politicians who, already skeptical of the entire integration process, could certainly use a new enlargement to opportunistically broaden their protest vote base.

Perhaps the upcoming 16th Bled Strategic Forum under the new Slovenian Presidency of the EU could offer a platform to brainstorm novel and fresh ideas of meaningfully strengthening the partnerships between the EU and the two most deserving nations in the Balkans.

If the official programme prepared by the Slovenians for their six months at the helm of the EU says something, the approach to starting the access negotiations will be driven by pragmatism.

No matter President von der Leyen’s eagerness to welcome both Skopje and Tirana to the full negotiation table as clearly stated by her during the so-called College visit to the Slovenian Presidency on 1 July, a pragmatic but very generous realism characterized by true solidarity might instead drive the agenda of the next EU-Western Balkan Summit in October.

Those wholeheartedly supporting Tirana and Skopie’s membership should not only think about creative alternative in the short-medium term to meet the aspirations of their respective citizens, but also be bold to envision a better functioning Union, fit to serve the interests of the citizens of 29 or even more members states.

Simone Galimberti is based in Kathmandu. He writes on social inclusion, youth development and regional integration in Europe and in the Asia Pacific.

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Exit polls suggest tight race in Albania’s parliamentary election



A woman casts her ballot during the parliamentary election in Tirana [Florion Goga/Reuters]
A woman casts her ballot during the parliamentary election in Tirana [Florion Goga/Reuters]

Albania’s ruling Socialist Party looked set to narrowly win Sunday’s (25 April) national election and secure a third term for Prime Minister Edi Rama, an exit poll showed.

According to Top Channel TV’s exit poll, the Socialists were set to win 46.9% of the vote, which would give them a slight majority of 71 seats in the 140-seat parliament.

The Democratic Party, led by Lulzim Basha, were set to win 43.5% of the vote while another smaller opposition party, the Socialist Integration Movement, was forecast to come third with 6.9 percent of the vote.


The exit poll run for Euronews Albania from the MRB, part of the London-based Kantar Group, projects that the Socialists will win about 44% of the vote while the Democratic Party is expected to capture about 42%.

Official results are not expected before later today (26 April).

“The process was characterized by a calm situation, security and integrity,” said Ilirjan Celibashi, head of the Central Election Commission. He said the winner would be known “in 48 hours”.


Albania, which has a population of 2.8 million, but 3.6 million voters due to its large diaspora, has a history of violence and allegations of fraud during elections in the 30 years since the end of communism.

On Wednesday, a Socialist Party supporter was killed and four people were injured during a shootout following a dispute between Socialist and Democratic supporters.

Albania was granted European Union candidate status in 2014, but there has been little progress due to enlargement fatigue around the bloc and lack of reforms within Albania.

Voters are eager for an end to widespread corruption. Albania ranks 104th in Transparency International’s 180-nation list for 2020 and is accused by the United States of being a major source for marijuana production and other drug shipments.

Rama, a 56-year-old painter and former basketball player, has been in power for eight years.

Orestia Nano, an artist, said her main motive to vote was to end corruption.

“When I entered the University of Arts there were people of my age who paid money to get into the school. There are people who have to pay money to get health treatments (in state hospitals),” she told Reuters news agency.

“It (corruption) is pretty bad at really high levels.”

The new government will have to deal with the coronavirus pandemic and rebuilding homes after a 2019 earthquake that killed 51 people and damaged more than 11,400 residences.

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